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This paper offers a theoretical investigation about the notion of "skills" within a geographical approach. For spatial practices, the challenge is probably less about understanding what individuals do than their ways of doing. Building on an empirical survey about the tourists practices in Los Angeles, the paper first supports the idea that each spatial configuration is an issue for every individual, a gathering of spatial stakes that everyone must address. Then, it argues that the ways in which individuals deal with these stakes depend on their skills. Defining skills as "the mastery of techniques", the article engages a critical discussion with French pragmatic sociology (Boltanski and Thévenot) and geography (Lussault) as well as upon works in anthropology (Ingold).

Extant literature links intergroup disparities, or horizontal inequalities, in Sub‐Saharan Africa to the unequal representation of ethnic groups in central power, who accumulate wealth at the expense of politically marginalized groups. Over time, these politically‐induced inequalities have trapped some ethnic groups in positions of relative disadvantage. Group‐based, or horizontal, redistribution can help redress these inequalities yet require popular support if they are not to contribute to intergroup tensions. In this article, we examine how people's experiences of political exclusion, on the one hand, and their attributional beliefs about the causes of political exclusion, on the other, condition support for government policies aimed at eradicating economic inequalities between different ethnic groups. We argue that people are more likely to be supportive of horizontal redistribution either when (H1a) they belong to ethnic groups that have not had access to central power, and/or (H1b) feel that their ethnic group is politically marginalized (and thus stands to gain); or when (H2) they attribute the political exclusion of the politically marginalized group(s) that stand(s) to benefit from these policies to the legacies of colonialism and clientelism (thus seeking to foster equity). To test our hypotheses, we examine these issues in the context of Kenya, a society with politically salient ethnic cleavages and a history of clientelism. Based on a unique online survey involving 2,286 Kenyans, we show that, notwithstanding group self‐interest being at play, there is strong support for horizontal redistribution across groups.

Despite the widespread recognition of the risk that group‐based inequalities, or so‐called horizontal inequalities (HIs), pose for the political stability and social cohesion of multi‐ethnic societies, extremely little research has been conducted on how people perceive these inequalities and how these perceptions, in turn, are associated with people's attitudes towards group‐based or horizontal redistribution. In this article, we systematically analyse how people's perceptions of prevailing socio‐economic HIs shape their attitudes towards horizontal redistribution in Nigeria, a country confronted with sharp and persistent inequalities between different ethnic groups. We develop a set of hypotheses for explaining differences in support for horizontal redistribution policies and test these hypotheses empirically with the help of a unique survey panel of about 2300 Nigerians.

Convivencia im mittelalterlichen islamischen Osten: al-Raqqa, Mosul, AleppoSarah StroumsaAls sich der Orient nach Osten bewegte: Judentum und Islam in der Wissenschaft des neunzehnten JahrhundertsGuy G. StroumsaAnsprache bei der Verleihung des Dr. Leopold Lucas-Preises 2018Michael Tilly

AbstractThis study offers insights into the institutional arrangements established to coordinate policies aiming at the mitigation of and adaptation to climate change. Drawing on the literature on policy design, we highlight institutional arrangements as elements of policy design spaces and contend that they fall into four categories that either stress the political or problem orientation of this activity: optimal, technical, political, and sub-optimal. We use original data on 44 major economies and greenhouse gas-emitting countries to test this expectation. These data capture various properties of national coordination arrangements, including the types of coordination instruments in place, the degree of hierarchy, the lead government agency responsible for coordination, and the scope of cross-sectoral policy coordination. The dataset also captures the degree to which non-state actors are involved in coordination and whether coordination processes are supported by scientific knowledge. Using cluster analysis, we show that the institutional arrangements for the horizontal coordination of climate policy do indeed fall into the four above-mentioned categories. The cluster analysis further reveals that a fifth, hybrid category exists. Interestingly, the political orientation dominates in the institutional arrangements for the horizontal coordination of climate change mitigation, whereas the problem orientation is more important in the arrangements for the horizontal coordination of climate change adaptation.

Tackling inequalities and poverty in South Africa has proven extremely difficult and contentious. Indeed, redistribution policies are often widely criticized both by people who argue that these policies are not far‐reaching and comprehensive enough and by those who argue they are not justified, too large‐scale and/or ineffective, and should be scaled back. While public support amongst relatively advantaged South Africans is crucial for these redistribution policies to be enacted and maintained, interestingly, we know very little about how respective groups of "advantaged" South Africans from different ethnic groups view wealth transfers and other redistribution measures aimed at reducing the prevailing inequalities in South Africa. Drawing on a series of focus group discussions, we gain insights into perceptions of advantage and attitudes towards redistribution amongst groups of black and white "advantaged" South Africans respectively. We find that both black and white "advantaged" South Africans are reluctant to part with some of their wealth in the interests of greater economic equality, citing state corruption and extended network obligations as justification. In addition, there is a shared tendency to understate their economic advantage by identifying firmly as the middle class, thereby abrogating responsibility to the super‐wealthy whilst simultaneously expressing paternalistic views towards the poor.